JE C.C.
The 2025 Philippine midterm elections have delivered a stunning upset, with Bam Aquino and Kiko Pangilinan not only topping the senatorial race in several vote-rich provinces but also maintaining a strong presence in the Top 5 or Top 10 across others, even in political bailiwicks traditionally dominated by Marcos-Duterte allies.
This unexpected surge, particularly in provinces that backed the Marcos-Duterte alliance in 2022, signals a profound shift in voter sentiment and poses significant implications for the ongoing Marcos-Duterte feud, potentially reshaping the country’s political landscape.
In provinces like Batangas, Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, Quezon, Rizal, Tarlac, and Metro Manila, Aquino and Pangilinan secured top spots, flipping regions where Marcos-Duterte candidates like Legarda, Gatchalian, Padilla, and Tulfo dominated in 2022. Even in provinces where they didn’t lead, their consistent rankings in the Top 5 or Top 10 underscore their widespread appeal. In Cavite, for instance—a traditional stronghold of the Revilla family—Aquino and Pangilinan placed 1st and 4th, respectively, ahead of Ramon Revilla, who landed 5th locally but is projected to fall outside the national Top 15. This is a remarkable feat, as Cavite has long been a bailiwick for Revilla, highlighting how the “pink” movement, tied to Leni Robredo’s 2022 campaign, has penetrated even the most entrenched political territories.
Several factors likely contributed to this upset. The Marcos-Duterte alliance, once a formidable force, has been weakened by internal strife. The feud between President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Vice President Sara Duterte has become increasingly public, with disagreements over governance and political appointments fracturing their coalition. This discord has disillusioned voters who previously supported their unified front, creating an opening for opposition figures like Aquino and Pangilinan.
Both candidates, known for their progressive platforms, have leaned into the Robredo-led narrative of good governance, transparency, and social welfare—values that resonate with an electorate frustrated by economic challenges like inflation and unemployment, which have persisted under Marcos’s administration.
Aquino and Pangilinan’s consistent performance across provinces also reflects their strategic campaign approach. By focusing on grassroots engagement and addressing local concerns, they’ve managed to erode the regional loyalties that once guaranteed victories for Marcos-Duterte allies. Their ability to outrank established politicians in their own bailiwicks, as seen in Cavite, suggests a growing voter preference for competence over dynastic name recognition—a trend that could redefine Philippine politics.
The implications for the Marcos-Duterte feud are significant. With opposition candidates gaining Senate seats, Marcos may face stiffer resistance to his policies, while the Dutertes’ influence could wane as their allies, like Revilla, struggle to secure national relevance. This fragmentation might deepen the rift between the two dynasties, potentially leading to a more competitive 2028 election.
For the opposition, Aquino and Pangilinan’s success signals a revival of the “pink” movement, offering a blueprint for challenging entrenched power. However, sustaining this momentum will require careful navigation of a still-volatile political landscape. The 2025 midterms have proven one thing: Filipino voters are ready for change, and the Marcos-Duterte dominance may be on borrowed time.
